Abstract: Literature on opposition to regional integration has concentrated on the European Union (EU). So far, very few systematic attempts have been pursued to explain opposition to regional integration in Latin America or to identify its main influential factors. Based on Latinobarometer surveys, two main findings emerge from this paper. First, it confirms that opposition to regional integration is not a generalised attitude among Latin Americans. Secondly, the way in which citizens across Latin America evaluate regional integration is strongly influenced by the same predictors as in the EU. Together, citizens’ assessments of economic performance (both at the individual and national level) enjoy a preponderance to account for their position regarding regionalism. Others variables, i.e. age, ideological position, and level of education have a more limited explanatory value while occupation is not significant. Thus, economic variables such as citizens’ perceptions of their national and individual economy have proven to be directly linked to support for/opposition to economic integration.

Resumen: La literatura sobre la oposición a la integración regional se ha centrado en la Unión Europea (UE). Muy pocos han sido los intentos para explicar la oposición a la integración en América Latina o para identificar los factores que la influyen. Este estudio está basado en encuestas Latinobarómetro, y produce dos hallazgos principales. Confirma que la oposición a la integración regional no es una actitud generalizada entre los latinoamericanos. Y la forma en que los ciudadanos de América Latina evalúan la integración regional está fuertemente influenciada por los mismos predictores que en la UE. Las evaluaciones de los ciudadanos sobre el desempeño económico, tanto a nivel individual como nacional, gozan de una preponderancia para dar cuenta de la opinión relativa al regionalismo. Otras variables, como la edad, la posición ideológica y el nivel de educación, tienen un valor explicativo más limitado, mientras que la ocupación no es significativa. De esta manera, las variables económicas, como la percepción de los ciudadanos sobre su economía nacional e individual, han demostrado estar directamente vinculadas al apoyo/oposición a la integración económica.

Resumo Tanto o Brasil quanto a Venezuela estruturaram suas agendas de política externa no início do século 21 a partir da projeção de suas respectivas lideranças em esquemas regionais como UNASUL e ALBA, respectivamente, seguindo uma estratégia hegemônica intermediária. A perda de dinamismo dessas iniciativas pós-hegemônicas problematiza a relação entre a governança regional e o papel das potências regionais. A ALBA é um esquema contingente ao ciclo político e ao voluntarismo político intrínseco à liderança da Venezuela e o bloco perdeu membros e relevância nos últimos anos. Quanto à UNASUL, a maioria de seus Estados membros se retirou do bloco, que atualmente não está operando. Em suma, as propostas pós-hegemônicas perdem dinamismo e respaldo à medida que a liderança que as promoveu enfraquece. Uma certa ‘teoria da estabilidade hegemônica’ contextualizada para a América do Sul em relação à liderança do Brasil e da Venezuela nos últimos anos parece ser cumprida: o declínio no poder desses países ajuda a explicar as reversões políticas e mudanças na governança regional.

Abstract Both Brazil and Venezuela structured their foreign policy agendas in the early 21st century on the projection of their respective leadership in regional schemes such as UNASUR and ALBA, respectively, following an intermediate hegemonic strategy. The loss of dynamism of these post-hegemonic initiatives problematizes the relationship between regional governance and the role of regional powers. ALBA is a scheme contingent on the political cycle and political voluntarism intrinsic in Venezuela’s leadership. The bloc has lost members and relevance in recent years. As for UNASUR, most of its member states have withdrawn from the bloc and it is currently not operating. In short, post-hegemonic proposals lose dynamism and support once the leadership that promoted them weakens. A certain ‘hegemonic stability theory’ contextualized to South America with regard to the leadership of Brazil and Venezuela in recent years seems to be fulfilled: the decline in power of these countries helps to account for political reversals and changes in regional governance.

Enzymatic senescence processes and browning of fresh cut vegetables negatively affect their sensory properties and nutritional value and finally result in the rejection of affected products by consumers. In order to prevent quality decay, the combined effects of natural antioxidants and storage temperature on peroxidase activity and sensory attributes (overall visual quality, browning and odor) of individual and mixed vegetables for soup (butternut squash, leek and celery) were evaluated. Fresh cut vegetables were treated with antioxidant solutions as tea tree essential oil (15 μl/mL), propolis extract (15 μl/mL) and gallic acid (2 mg/mL) and stored at optimal (5 °C) and abusive (15 °C) temperature for a maximum of 14 days. The application of natural preservatives, plus optimal storage conditions, exerted significant inhibitory effects in peroxidase activity of squash, celery and mixed vegetables throughout the storage. Furthermore, propolis treatment applied on mixed vegetables retarded browning appearance and preserved the visual quality for a longer period when compared to untreated product.